SOAS University of London BA International Relations & Social Anthropology Course: Contemporary Trends in the Study of Society Course code: 151802041-A18/19 How can anthropological analysis of “security” and violence disrupt liberal myths? Essay AS2 TERM 3 2019 Tutor Damian Walter Word count: 3000 Introduction Integral to liberal promises over their long durée of ideational articulation and practical implementation is the notion of liberal ideology as constituting the ultimate solution to humanity’s suffering. By way of a linear evolutionary path of economic and political progress marked by freedom and tolerance each and every man and society will allow mankind to reach its peak potential and achieve a life in perpetual peace. Liberalism has thus historically been advocated as a force for good: bringing light to dark times and dark corners of the world, engendering indiviudal and collective emancipation against tyrannic authorities, imbuing mankind with equal rights and responsibilites, and when deploying force doing so justly in the name of necessity (Asad 2003; 2010, Mehta 1999). Critical attention to lived experiences of violence and the complex and contested meanings and realities of (in)security, however, fundamentally upsets such references to a liberal promise. By focusing on how liberal narratives of benevolence are constructed through particular political-legal frames of rationalisation and differentiation, from Cold War to Global War on Terror great power policies and the military and legal systems of humanitarian intervention, this paper explores how anthropological analysis of security and violence can disrupt liberal myths. Liberal myths in the anthropological imaginary For long anthropologists have engaged with the systems and structures, ideas and practices, professed ideations and lived realities of liberalism (Asad 2003, Bell 2014, Losurdo 2011, Mehta 1999, Vora 2018). As often as this engagement has been active and critical, the history of the anthropological discipline paints an equally vivid picture of implication and complicity (Asad 1973, Kuklick 1993). Perhaps because of its record of facilitating a knowledgeproduction centred around the construction of backwards exotic Others as encountered by the superiority of Western progressive society (Kuper 1988, Said 1989), anthropology’s dealing with its own colonial past has been transcendental to the point of “reinvention” (Hymes 1972, Sinclaire and Jobson 2016). Almost four decades of disciplinary crisis brought into being a selfreflexivity and sensitivity towards its own methods, subject-matters, theory-building tactics and intellectual agendas many other disciplines can only dream of (Bunzl 2005, Harrison 1991). The postmodern and poststructural reworking of anthropological knowledge-production1 from 1 Including the integration of analytical and practical attention to just how knowledge is produced not only within the own discipline but as part of any ethnographic exploration. 2 the 1960s and onwards2 has equipped the discipline with key tools for inquiring into the past and present production of liberal thought and workings of liberal rule. It is therefore in the articulation of anthropology as a method for and theory of cultural critique, juxtaposition, and comparison this paper embarks, attempting a critical evaluation of liberal myth-building and the practices they spawn through juxtaposing the frames and systems invoked by liberal powers to rationalise and justify their use of force against grounded (counter)experiences of (in)security and violence. Key to anthropology’s ability to locate and challenge the means by which liberal projects of exploitation and hegemony are justified and rationalised through the construction of narratives of necessity and well-meaning (the discursive projection of good intentions), is the discipline’s history of constant attentiveness to the intersections of the local with the global and particularity with (claims to) universality. The same goes for the long worked out habit of placing lived experiences and material realities next to theoretical abstractions of structure and discourse. (Appadurai 1991, Behrouzan 2016, Tsing 2004; 1994) The myths of interest to this essay revolve around various interconnected claims to universality, equality and liberalism as the bringer of peace and security, such as through democratisation, marketisation and (individual, social and financial) liberalisation (Brown 2003, De Angelis 2003). In other words, liberalism as a global force for good (Beate 2005, Doyle 1986, Wai 2014). Such accounts of peace and (emancipatory) progress deployed to rationalise liberal forms of (everyday) warfare are ultimately upset by paying attention to how conceptions of and experiences with (in)security diverge between state narratives and citizen realities, along with localised stories about violence where state and international policies of force are received and made real (Beate 2005, Kienscherf 2011). The following sections will explore the production, operationalisation and lived realities of these myths using cases from American and British policies of national security mobilised within varying frames of fear and instances of liberal order-making expressed through the institutions and structures of international humanitarian law (IHL). Dictating security policy, living insecurity: ethnographizing the liberal promise “The only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows… This is not … just America's fight, … what is at stake is not just America's freedom. This is the world's fight. This is civilization's fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom” George W. Bush declared in an 2 See: Bourdieu (1990), Boyer (2002), Fischer (2018), Lyotard (1979), Marcus and Fischer (1986), Marcus (1998). 3 address to the Congress and Nation in late September 2001 (Washington Post). “The United States will use this moment of opportunity to extend the benefits of freedom across the globe. We will actively work to bring the hope of democracy, development, free markets, and free trade to every corner of the world” the US National Security Strategy (NSS 2002) read a year later. In her speech addressing the public following the attack on Westminster in 2017 Theresa May announced, “the terrorists chose to strike at the heart of our Capital City, where people of all nationalities, religions and cultures come together to celebrate the values of liberty, democracy and freedom of speech. These streets of Westminster … are ingrained with a spirit of freedom that echoes in some of the furthest corners of the globe” (GOV.UK). Accordingly, when advocating his support for Bush’ invasion of Iraq in 2003, Tony Blair professed that “for all their faults and all nations have them, the US are a force for good” (The Guardian). Emerging from the rhetoric and message common to most state justifications for Global War on Terror (GWOT) measures is consequently the promise of safeguarding and spreading the conditions for a “liberal peace”. Wherein “a pacific world order based on liberal democracy, market economics and the rule of law” is to be achieved through “West-led engagement in the world’s conflict spaces and institutional innovation in global governance” (Rampton and Nadarajah 2017, 441-2). As theorised by many interested in the agendas and interests underlying policies mobilised under GWOT banners since 9/11, the multiple and varied practices of counterinsurgency (COIN) especially deployed by leading Euro-American powers such as the UK and the US share the common (rhetorical) goal of extending this liberal zone of peace globally (Gilmore 2011, Kienscherf 2011). When comparing these frames of justification – whereby state policies of prevention and response are mobilised through testimonials of protecting national, and by extension, world security – with the nature and outcomes of the practices they generate, liberal peace appear more as the perpetuation of a benevolent visage through which to legitimate and preserve global liberal rule. Attesting to this, Kienscherf (2011, 531) demonstrates how US COIN doctrine rather than constituting a “programme of global peace and stability” seeks to pacify “recalcitrant” populations across the globe and render them governable within (neo)liberal logics of accumulation and exploitation. This is done by way of a biopolitical project distinguishing between what liberal proponents designate as “dangerous” versus “safe” forms of life, in other words deeming eradicable people who either refuse or challenge neoliberal governmentality (2011, 530) 3. Furthermore, US GWOT strategies are continuously justified 3 For a discussion on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality including the restructuring of time, space and minds to abide by liberal ideological and material concerns, see: De Angelis (2003 14-15), Kienscherf (2011), 4 through terror-related politics of fear animating the various tropes concerned with preserving national security and world peace through participatory democracy, free markets and (universal) human rights. However, when following these strategies to their implementation on the ground results point in the opposite direction: conditions for democracy both domestically and in the locations of intervention such as Iraq (Lafer 2004, Laffey and Weldes 2005), Afghanistan (Egnell 2010, Mahendrarajah 2014, Ucko 2013) and Libya (Wai 2014) are actively undermined while even concerns for US national security is ultimately trumped by efforts to enable and facilitate (neoconservative) private capital accumulation4. Two main issues are of importance here, introducing the critical work enabled through anthropological analysis: firstly, the way in which state references to national security are rendered hollow by the practical outcomes and interests ensured in their name; secondly, this brings attention to how security is differently defined, envisioned and lived not only between state and citizen discourses and experiences but between different citizen bodies. “‘Security’ calls on the power of fear to fill the ruptures that the crises and contradictions of neoliberalism have engendered and so functions as a principal tool of state formation and governmentality in the world today” Goldstein (2010, 487) notes laying out the frameworks for a critical anthropology of security. This focus engages with how the contemporary “security moment” comprises both state attempts to maintain neoliberal hegemony through security related frames and the formulation and enactment of alternative local (citizen-based) security regimes. Foremost, however, such an anthropology begs the question of how (in)security is lived. The following section will provide key examples of security’s corporeal reality, tracing UK and US based cases of incarceration and rendition, citizenship deprivation and plutonium-induced “states of insecurity” in post-Cold War New Mexico. Set in the ethnographically multisited field of globally dispensed ordinary detention centres and extraordinary prisons, Li (2018) traces the physical articulations of US imperial hegemony as expressed through the global “carcarel circulation” (471) of “out-of-place Muslims” (456). Focusing on the cases of Umar (Algerian) and Imad (Egyptian) resident in Bosnia-Herzegovina since the 1990s war whose Bosnian citizenships were revoked upon being deported by US command in the wake of September 11 – Umar to the extraterritorial prison of Guantánamo (GTMO) and Imad to his country of origin – Li offers an alternative account of Laffey and Weldes (2005), Lafer (2004), Rampton and Nadarajah (2017), Wai (2014). 4 The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) is a key example of this ‘neocon’ “movement”, see: Cubukcu (2018), Lafer (2004). 5 GWOT practices promoting liberal world peace5. Rather than telling a story of increased security and enhanced liberal values, the realities of extraordinary renditions, ad-hoc denationalisation, detention and incarceration are characterised by human rights violations, prevention of due process, extrajudicial violence, and the dispersal of responsibility whereby great powers such as the US guarantee their own impunity (Li 2018). Similarly, Kapoor and Narkowicz (2017) have studied the proliferation of state practices of arbitrary citizenship deprivation and the effective “unmaking” of citizens by the UK government through passport removals and temporary exclusion orders legitimized by defending national security against potential terrorist threats. Demonstrated in the stories of the eight British Muslim interviewees whose passports were removed by the UK government on fragile evidentiary bases (starkly prejudiced and often based in speculation rather than proof (2017, 11) is the violence done by state policies in the name of security, ultimately creating rather than preventing conditions of insecurity for designated bodies of the citizenry. Consequently, the narratives arising from such anthropological lenses elucidate and confirm the necessity of acknowledging security – discursively and practically, rhetorically and lived – as complex and contested. Exploring the post-Cold War everyday practices and experiences of indigenous communities in Los Alamos, New Mexico, Masco (1999, 204) found the US Southwest to constitute a “subaltern international space”. Herein, US nuclear policies to fend for national security against the external threat of the Soviet Union de facto resulted in the endangering and demolition of domestic lands and nationals. (A policy to no small degree engendered by the economic interests emerging around the rise of the plutonium industry for instance facilitating the usage of depleted-uranium by US and UK soldiers in the Second Gulf War. Another instance of “slow violence” erased from public and legal scrutiny as the eco- and biological aftermaths of chemical warfare lack the immediate spectacle of kinetic warfare but continue to reap victims for generations to come (Davis 1993, Masco 2017, Nixon 2011). “The social imaginaries where concepts of ‘national security’ meet practices of ‘national sacrifice’” (Masco 1999, 204) demonstrate a lived reality wherein the indigenous communities of New Mexico continue to (literally) bear the consequences of more than five decades of nuclear security policy. In bringing home the liberal promise of national and global peace and stability, the US effectively produce spaces of insecurity and everyday (corporeal and environmental) violence as much within its own boarders as across its numerous sites of overt and covert 5 For a genealogy of the operationalisation of incarceration practices within liberal rule, see Khalili (2012). 6 intervention. A violence, again however, only allowed to reach particular groups within the population. Naming violence: liberalism’s exclusive universality Another way of exposing the hollow promises made within liberal declarations of democracy, progress, peace and universality is through paying critical attention to the politics of naming6 and the construction of frames of justification for the liberal use of force within the international structures, systems and institutions of international humanitarian law (IHL); a key embodiment of the discrepancy between liberal values as professed and the practical mechanisms and realities of their implementation. IHL offers a crucial window into ways in which liberal ideals have always been attained through policies of exclusion and differentiation. As demonstrated by Anghie (2007), Krever (2014) and Mégret (2006) the present structures of international law originated in the efforts of colonial powers to legalise and justify continued colonial rule. Accordingly, the ultimate ‘peace-policing’ bodies of the international community today like the United Nations (with particular emphasis on the Security Council) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) share records of enabling certain uses of force while criminalising others along the lines of differentiating between legitimate (civilised, just) and illegitimate (savage, unjust) violence (Asad 2010, Mamdani 2009). Such a politics must be situated within the longer frame not only of liberal order-making (Rampton and Nadarajah 2017) but liberal war-making constantly seeking ways of rationalising its usage of force and engendering of violence. “What distinguishes warfare by powers that claim adherence to liberal principles is the invocation of law and legality as structuring the conduct of war” Khalili (2012, 4) notes, along with “a discourse of humanitarian intent”. As seen in the biopolitical division between wanted (protectable) and unwanted (killable) forms of life in US COIN strategies, “liberal counterinsurgencies” depend on such processes of racialisation whereby “a racial hierarchy resolves the tensions between illiberal methods and liberal discourse” (Khalili 2012, 4-5). Attention to the recent history of militarised humanitarian interventionism especially since the invocation of the principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2006 (Asad 2010, Mamdani 2009, Wai 2014) and the cases deemed prosecutable by the ICC since its inception in 2002 (Krever 2014, Mamdani 2009) illustrate a liberal monopoly over the international use of force and the structures and institutions with which to legitimate and rationalise it while criminalising its illiberal counterparts. 6 See Trouillot (1995). 7 Intervention under the banner of R2P and legal indictment through the ICC can be legitimised in cases of “genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes” (Mamdani 2009, 53). Comparing the cases of intrastate conflict in Darfur and Acholiland, and US COIN warfare in Iraq, Mamdani (2009) found the institutionalisation of the practice of dispensing Krever’s (2014) notion of a “victors’ justice” safeguarding “victors’ impunity”. While US violence in Iraq and Ugandan state violence against counterinsurgents in Acholiland were rationalised and hidden from legal purview, the ICC chose only to name the violence in Darfur as genocidal despite the former conflicts shedding as many to more lives. Furthermore, blame was directed only at president Omar al-Bashir in the case of Sudan and at the Lord’s Resistance Army in the case of Uganda. (Harry, Lydiah and Srinivasan 2009, Mamdani 2009) Effectively, these cases demonstrate how “the Court’s selective and highly politicized interventions have operated to reproduce one-sided narratives of complex conflicts, demonizing some perpetrators as hostis humani generis, while legitimating military interventions in the name of humanity” (Krever 2014, 97). Again, anthropological analysis holds crucial potential as a conduit for locating such ways in which victors’ justice, neo-imperial pursuits and racialized differentiations of violence are both facilitated and framed: equally by way of scrutinising discourse and documentproduction within IHL institutions (see Kelly 2009, Merry 2006) and through reporting on the lived experiences of violence, conflict and militarism from the sites of intervention. Conclusion From British, Bosnian and Middle-Eastern Muslims’ to Native and Hispanic Americans’ personal narratives and corporeal accounts of state practices in the name of national security, starkly different realities than those envisioned in liberal rhetoric emerge. Attention to experiences of how security policy is not only enacted but lived demonstrates the ultimate tendency of state performances projecting liberal promises of peace and justice to produce its own states of insecurity, normalising and institutionalising various forms of violence. Apart from rendering visible and heard the lifeworlds of those at the receiving end of security regimes’ state-centric and status quo inclined imaginations of safety and threat and the responses formulated as a result, anthropological analysis enables the key juxtaposition of such lived experiences with the politics going into the production of knowledge and difference on which liberal myths depend for their naturalisation and implementation. Corporeal realities must be explained within an understanding of just how state and international institutions and structures (wherein and through which domestic security policy and international humanitarian law is 8 conceptualised and implemented) name, define and differentiate between just and unjust violence, safe and dangerous forms of life, protected and killable bodies, rational and irrational values and practices. Without such parallel insights into how liberal pillars of universality, equality, freedom, justice, progress and peace are not only politically and legally but also socially and culturally produced, it would be difficult to fully elucidate and explain circumstances such as how it comes that US Cold War national security policy helped render (some) foreign populations safer than (selected) parts of its own. Indeed, by way of grounded anthropological theory and ethnographic inquiry into reality as lived, liberalism’s hailed emblems of inclusivity and benevolence can be exposed as at all times dependent on logics and practices of exclusion and force. Works Cited Anghie, Antony. 2007. “Governance and Globalization, civilization and commerce.” In Imperialism, sovereignty and the making of international law., by Antony Anghie, 245-272. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Appadurai, Arjun. 1991. “Global ethnoscapes: Notes and Queries for a Transnational Anthropology.” In Recapturing anthropology, edited by Richard G Fox, 191-210. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press . Asad, Talal. 1973. Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter . Amherst, New York: Humanity Books. Asad, Talal. 2010. “Thinking about terrorism and just war.” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 23 (1): 3-24. Asad, Talal. 2003. Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press. . Beate, Jahn. 2005. “Kant, Mill, and Illiberal Legacies in International Affairs.” International Organization (Cambridge University Press) 59 (1): 177-207. Behrouzan, Orkideh. 2016. Prozak Diaries: Psychiatry and Generational Memory in Iran. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Bell, Duncan. 2014. “What is Liberalism?” Political Theory 42 (6): 682–715. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1990. Logic of practice . Cambridge: Polity Press. Boyer, Dominic. 2002. “The Medium of Foucault in Anthropology.” Minnesota Review (Duke University Press) 58-60: 265-272 . Brown, Wendy. 2003. “Neoliberalism and the End of Liberal Democracy.” Theory and Event 7 (1). Bunzl, Matti. 2005. “Anthropology Beyond Crisis: Toward an Intellectual History of the Extended Present.” Anthropology and Humanism (American Anthropological Association) 30 (2): 187–195. Davis, Mike. 1993. “The Dead West: Ecocide in Marlboro Country.” New Left Review 200 (1): 1-20. De Angelis, Massimo. 2003. “Neoliberal Governance, Reproduction and Accumulation.” The Commoner 7. 9 Doyle, Michael. 1986. “Liberalism and world politics.” American Political Science Review 80: 1151-1169. Egnell, Robert. 2010. “Winning “hearts and minds”? A critical analysis of counter-insurgency operations in Afghanistan.” Civil Wars 12 (3): 282-303. Fischer, Michael. 2018. Anthropology in the Meantime: Experimental Ethnography, Theory, and Method for the Twenty-First Century. London: Duke University Press. Gilmore, Jonathan. 2011. “A kinder, gentler counter-terrorism: Counterinsurgency, human security and the War on Terror.” Security Dialogue 41 (1): 21–37. Goldstein, Daniel M. 2010. “Toward a Critical Anthropology of Security.” Current Anthropology 51 (4): 487-517. Gordon, Neve, and Nicola Perugini. 2015. “The politics of human shielding: On the resignification of space and the constitution of civilians as shields in liberal wars.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 34 (1): 168–187. GOV.UK. 2017. “Prime Minister's statement following attack in Westminster”, Government of the United Kingdom, (22 March 2017). Retrieved from: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/prime-ministers-statement-following-attack-inwestminster [Accessed 05-04-19] Harrison, Faye Venetia. 1991. Decolonizing anthropology. Arlington, Virginia: Association of Black Anthropologists, American Anthropological Association. Harry, Verhoeven., Bosire Kemunto Lydiah, and Sharath Srinivasan . 2009. “Understanding Sudan's Saviors and Survivors: Darfur in the Crossfire between Humanitarian Fundamentalism and Khartoum's Divide and Rule.” Review of African Political Economy 36 (122): 630-635. House, The White. 2002. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. Washington. Hymes, Dell. 1972. Reinventing Anthropology. New York: Pantheon Books. Kapoor, Nisha, and Kasia Narkowicz. 2017. “Unmaking citizens: passport removals, preemptive policing and the reimagining of colonial governmentalities.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 1-18. Kelly, Tobias. 2009. “The UN Committee against Torture: Human Rights Monitoring and the Legal Recognition of Cruelty.” Human Rights Quarterly 31 (3): 777-800. Khalili, Laleh. 2012. Time in the Shadows: Confinement in Counterinsurgencies. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Kienscherf, Markus. 2011. “A programme of global pacification: US counterinsurgency doctrine and the biopolitics of human (in)security.” Security Dialogue 42 (6): 517– 535. Krever, Tor. 2014. “Dispensing Global Justice.” New Left Review 85: 67 – 97. Kuklick, Henrietta. 1993. The savage within: the social history of British anthropology, 18851945. Cambridge [etc.]: Cambridge University Press. Kuper, Adam. 1988. The Invention of Primitive Society: Transformations of an illusion. London: Routledge. Lafer, Gordon. 2004. “Neoliberalism by other means: the “war on terror” at home and abroad.” New Political Science 26 (3): 323-346. 10 Laffey, Mark, and Jutta Weldes. 2005. “Policing and global governance.” In Power in Global Governance, edited by Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall , 59-79. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Li, Darryl. 2018. “From Exception to Empire: Sovereignty: Carceral Circulation, and the ‘Global War on Terror.’.” In Ethnographies of U.S. Empire., edited by Carole McGranahan and John Collins, 456-475. Duke University Press. Losurdo, Domenico. 2011. “What is Liberalism? .” In Liberalism: A Counter-History. . Verso Books. Lyotard, Jean-François. 1979. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Manchester: Manchester Universtiy Press. Mahendrarajah, Shivan. 2014. “Conceptual failure, the Taliban's parallel hierarchies, and America's strategic defeat in Afghanistan.” Small Wars & Insurgencies 25 (1): 91-121. Mamdani, Mahmood. 2009. “Responsibility to Protect or Right to Punish?” In Saviors and Survivors: Darfur, Politics and the War on Terror, by Mahmood Mamdani, 271-300. Doubleday. Marcus, George E, and Micheal M.J Fischer. 1986. Anthropology as cultural critique : an experimental moment in the human sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Marcus, George. 1998. Ethnography through Thick and Thin. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Masco, Joe. 2017. “'Boundless informant’: Insecurity in the age of ubiquitous surveillance.” Anthropological Theory 17 (3): 382–403. Masco, Joseph. 1999. “States of Insecurity: Plutonium and Post-Cold War Anxiety in New Mexico, 1992-96.” In Cultures of Insecurity: States, Communities and the Production of Danger , edited by Jutta Weldes et. al., 203-231. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Mégret, Frédéric. 2006. “From Savages to ‘Unlawful Combatants’: a Postcolonial Look at International Humanitarian Law’s Other.” In International Law and its Others, edited by Anne. Orford, 265–317. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mehta, Uday Singh. 1999. Liberalism and Empire: A Study in Nineteenth Century British Liberal Thought. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Merry, Sally Engle. 2006. Human Rights and Gender Violence: Translating International Law into Local Justice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. NSS. 2002. “The National Security Strategy of the United States of America”, The Whitehouse Washington, (17 September 2002). Nixon, Rob. 2011. “Ecologies of the aftermath: precision warfare and slow violence.” In Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor, 199-232. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Rampton, David, and Suthaharan Nadarajah. 2017. “A long view of liberal peace and its crisis.” European Journal of International Relations 23 (2): 441-465. Said, Edward. 1989. “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology’s Interlocutors.” Critical Inquiry 15: 205-225. Sinclaire, Allen Jafari, and Ryan Cecil Jobson. 2016. “The Decolonizing Generation: (Race and) Theory in Anthropology since the Eighties.” Current Anthropology 57 (2): 129147. 11 The Guardian. 2003. “Full Text: Tony Blair’s Speech”, The Guardian, (7 January 2003). Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2003/jan/07/foreignpolicy.speeches [Accessed 04-05-19] Traverso, Enzo. 2003. “Conquest.” In The Origins of Nazi Violence, 47-75. New York: The New Press. Trouillot, Michel Rolph. 1995. Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History. Boston: Beacon Press. Tsing, Anna. 1994. “From the margins.” Cultural Anthropology 9 (3): 279-297 . Tsing, L. Anna. 2004. Friction: An ethnography of global connection. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ucko, David H. 2013. “Beyond Clear-Hold-Build: Rethinking Local-Level Counterinsurgency after Afghanistan.” Contemporary Security Policy 34 (3): 526-551. Wai, Zubairu. 2014. “The empire's new clothes: Africa, liberal interventionism, and contemporary world order.” Review of African Political Economy 41 (142): 483-499 . Washington Post. 2001. “President Bush Addresses the Nation”, The Washington Post, (20 September 2001). Retrieved from: https://www.washingtonpost.com/wpsrv/nation/specials/attacked/transcripts/bushaddress_092001.html? [Accessed 05-0419] Vora, Neha. 2018. “Introduction: Mythologies of Liberalism. .” In Teach for Arabia: American Universities, Liberalism, and Transnational Qatar, 1-30. Stanford, CA.: Stanford University Press. 12
